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THE CHINESE CENTURY
a series of commentaries on the implications for Sydney
of China's rise]
March 2005: Sydney as a national
gateway and platform
August 2005:
Bob Carr's Sydney
October 2005:
Sydney and China's next economic revolution
January 2006: Get
ready for a tourist tsunami
Sydney as a national
gateway and platform
Sydney is a truly global city, a bustling metropolis of 4.2 million
people – a third born overseas – which contributes a quarter of the
nation's output. Sydney deserves its reputation as both gateway to
Australia and platform for commercial penetration into Asia, including
China, the continent's rising giant.
Global Sydney is the product of a two-decade-long agenda to integrate
Australia with the world economy. By any measure, Australia's economic
reform program must be judged a success. The nation's unflagging growth
rate over the last decade is proof enough of that. But further proof is
found in what has become of Sydney. Just consider the extent to which
the city has adjusted and thrived in the new world of mobile capital,
accelerating trade flows, information and communications technology,
expanding service industries and knowledge workers.
In terms of scale, Sydney has emerged as Australia's largest centre,
accounting for 22 per cent of the population and 20 per cent of the jobs
(Melbourne has 17 per cent). In turn, around 20 per cent of those Sydney
jobs are in the financial, insurance and business services sectors, a
figure that translates to about 37 per cent of the nation's entire
financial services industry workforce (again, Melbourne has around 23
per cent). When it is considered that Australia's stocks of inward
foreign direct investment grew from $25 billion in 1985 to $113.6
billion in 2000 (or from 15.6 to 30 per cent of GDP), these employment
figures define the term "gateway". That's why 47 per cent of the top 500
Australasian companies and 65 per cent of regional multinational
corporations locate their headquarters in NSW, the great majority of
them in Sydney.
A similar story can be told on the export front. By 1995 no less than 48
per cent of Australia's outward investment stock was in services
(compared to 14 per cent for mining and 38 per cent for manufacturing).
As a proportion of GDP, the country’s stocks of outward foreign direct
investment grew from 4.2 per cent in 1985 to nearly 23 per cent in 2000.
Today NSW (mostly Sydney) accounts for 52 per cent of the country's
service exports. These sorts of figures define the term "platform".
Incidentally, Australia's export of services to China has reached $1.26
billion and rising.

Sydney has undergone a revolution. It has become the major services hub
of a largely service economy (65 per cent of national output). This
could not have been possible without a new culture at all levels of
government, including local government, which frowns on unreasonable
constraints on commercial activity. That growth culture has paid
handsome dividends in wealth and jobs.
While revolutions can be liberating and creative, they can easily fall
prey to their own success. There are potential downsides to the
emergence of a predominantly service economy. Foremost amongst these is
the danger of social, economic and geographic polarisation, driven by
the association of wealth and power with advanced technical skills,
often labeled 'intellectual capital'. Over half of the NSW workforce now
falls into the top three ABS occupational categories: 26 per cent are
professionals, 16 per cent are associate professionals and 10 per cent
are managers or administrators.
Moreover, about 53 per cent of Sydney's
workforce have a post- school qualification. And yet over 50 per cent of
'professional' and 'manager and administrator' jobs are concentrated in
northern Sydney, the eastern suburbs, inner north west Sydney and inner
city Sydney. This is the narrow band commonly referred to as Global
Sydney or the 'global arc' corridor. It follows, according to ABS
analysis of the 2001 census, that 'people with university qualifications
were heavily concentrated around the harbour-side suburbs of the inner,
eastern and northern areas …' [emphasis added]
In contrast, only 17 per cent of finance, insurance, property and
business services jobs are located in greater western Sydney even though
42 per cent of the city's people live there. That explains why the
proportion of people with a university degree in the greater west was
10.5 per cent compared to 20.8 per cent for the rest of the city.
Unsurprisingly, the recent FutureWest report (Western Sydney Regional
Organisation of Councils) identified 'a growing disparity between social
groups and segregation by income' as fundamental challenges facing
western Sydney. By way of illustration, in 2001, 38 per cent of the
greater western Sydney population earned less than $300 per week
compared to the Sydney average of 34.6 per cent, and just 2.9 per cent
of the greater western population earned more than $1500 compared to the
city average of 6.1 per cent.
Sydney's global mission will be compromised if half or more of the
population feel excluded from the benefits. This is not to say that
Sydney's polarised spatial pattern can be easily reversed. Global Sydney
is the product of major structural trends including globalisation,
technological innovation and cultural change. However, all levels of
government can help to mitigate the problem. The NSW Government’s Sydney
Metropolitan Strategy contains many positive elements in this regard,
including the promotion of socio-economic diversity, the upgrading of greater western Sydney economic nodes or
'activity centres' along with their connecting transport corridors, and
the decentralisation of public facilities to less developed suburban
centres. The state government should attach a high priority to provision
of the necessary infrastructure resources, and the Commonwealth must
come to the party as well. This should be a key national objective.
What role for local government? In fact, this is a challenge for
privileged inner-city councils as much as it is for those in the greater
west. Resistance to new development, obstruction of projects
offering blue-collar jobs, never-ending demands for open space and
parkland, calls for publicly funded light rail networks – these and
other inner city priorities limit our capacity to relieve the
under-serviced west. Of course, councillors owe a duty to serve their
own constituents, but the challenges facing Sydney call for something
more.
When considering developments in their localities, inner suburban
councillors and residents should also be mindful of the question: how
does this affect the rest of Sydney? That question is rarely asked.
Unfortunately, Sydney’s social polarisation is about more than resource
allocation – it has a cultural dimension as well. Over time we have seen
the social values of suburban routine workers and inner-city
professionals diverge. This simply reflects their different
socio-economic circumstances in the new economy. All too often, however,
inner-city opinion makers are quick to demonise suburban values,
particularly on the grounds of xenophobia. Yet openness to foreigners is
an aspect of Sydney's global status. The city is home, for instance, to
around 180,000 people of Chinese origin (according to the 2001 census).
It is natural that the greater west should have its own perspective on
immigration and refugees, given that 41 per cent of Australia's new
arrivals settled in NSW between 1996 and 2001, and the greater west
received 34.3 per cent. Immigrants have a lot to offer Sydney, but they
also generate pressures the inner-city does not have to face.
Nonetheless, Sydney's recent history gives us reason to be positive
about the future.
References. The information in this comment was drawn from the following
publications: FutureWest: Greater Western Sydney Regional Planning and
Management Framework (Western Sydney Regional Organisation of Councils
2005); Sydney’s Economic Geography: Trends & Drivers (SGS Economics and
Planning Pty Ltd, June 2004); Sydney: A Social Atlas 2002 (Australian
Bureau of Statistics); Vital Signs 2003-2004 (NSW Chamber of Commerce).
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Bob Carr's
Sydney
Bob Carr's retirement in July was an excellent vantage point
from which to survey Sydney's international standing. Carr
left office in a different Sydney from the one in which he
assumed it ten years ago. Despite all the media comment
about wasted years and lost opportunities, the true measure
of his achievement lies in comparing Sydney then and now.
Paul Keating correctly remarked that Bob Carr found NSW an
old manufacturing economy, and left it a modern,
international service economy. A key feature of this
transformation has been the explosion of small business
growth in the services sector, and many Chinese migrants
contributed to this trend. Over the last 20 years, the
number of small businesses in NSW grew by an astonishing 68
per cent. NSW experienced a 3.5 per cent increase in the
share of total employment belonging to small business,
substantially higher than any other state.
In those same
years, small business growth in NSW was 3.1 per cent a year,
compared to 2.1 per cent a year for larger businesses. For
example, the small business property services sector, which
has been especially attractive to migrants from Asia and
elsewhere, recorded astonishing growth of 6.4 per cent a
year over these two decades.
Hence Sydney is the preferred place of settlement for
enterprising newcomers, attracting almost 40 per cent of new
arrivals between 1996 and 2001. According to the 2001
census, 57 percent of
Australia's Chinese-born residents,
around 180,000 people, live in Sydney. Chinese is now the
second most spoken language in the city after English - the
proportion of Sydney's population speaking Chinese at home
increased from 3.9 per cent in 1991 to 6.0 per cent in 2001.
Clearly, NSW and Sydney in particular have been great places
to start a small business. In fact, two-thirds of the
state's small businesses are located in Sydney, which
suggests some relationship with the world economy. To quote
SGS Economics and Planning: “it should not be surprising
that Sydney and NSW is home to the greatest small business
activity (and the greatest relative recent growth in this
sector) in
Australia given the global orientation
of its economy” (Sydney’s Economic Geography: Trends and
Drivers, 2004).
Moreover, the settlement pattern of
Chinese migrants bears comparison with the city's so-called
"global arc corridor", the region most integrated with the
global service economy. "The majority of people speaking
Chinese at home were located in a band within 10 and 20 kilometres of the city centre", reports the ABS.
To
a significant extent, this favourable small business
environment relates to Bob Carr's financial prudence, a
hallmark of his government. Expenditure restraint and the
virtual elimination of government debt held state taxes and
charges in line with inflation. Similarly, reforms to state
water and power utilities have kept charges low for domestic
and commercial consumers. One major cost to businesses, the
state's $3.2 billion workers compensation deficit, was
reduced by half.
Around 1 in 7 of Sydney's jobs are in the retail sector
today, where so many Chinese make a prosperous living.
Between 1996 and 2001, 36,000 new retail jobs were created.
According to a 2002 report by WorkCover NSW, “for both male
and female Chinese workers the largest industry employer was
accommodation, cafes and restaurants with 13.8 per cent of
men and 12.1 per cent of women working in this industry”.
Their customers are just as likely to be overseas residents
as locals, considering that Sydney Airport handles about 50
per cent of
Australia's international air
passengers. Sydney's successful economy draws commerce from
all over the world, but Asia is increasingly important.
Indeed, when Bob Carr addressed the NSW Asia Business
Advisory Council in November last year, he could boast that
in 2003/2004 NSW firms exported $11.2 billion worth of
merchandise to Asian countries, representing nearly 60 per
cent of NSW exports worldwide. This, as much as anything, is
part of his legacy.
Australia's
relationship with China may currently be dominated by the
export of resources, but it is set to enter a second phase
in which the provision of services, linked to or independent
from the resource boom, will be increasingly important. The
Chinese speaking segment of Sydney’s population is
strategically placed to drive this development.
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Sydney and China's next economic
revolution
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The economic performance of NSW relative to other states is
a hot media topic these days. Journalists cite the fact that
over the last year, full-time employment in NSW grew by just
1 per cent compared to 6 per cent in Queensland and 6.6 per
cent in Western Australia. The blame is usually laid at the
feet of the NSW Labor Government for ten years of “inaction
and evasion”. Needless to say, they forget that until
recently the state was described as Australia’s jobs
powerhouse.
In
fact the state’s recent performance relative to the rest of
the country owes less to government failures and more to the
same long-term structural developments that fuelled the
powerhouse.
Some urban theorists propose that in the wake of
globalisation, our state capital cities share in a “division
of labour” corresponding to their distinct roles in the
national economy. For instance SGS Economics & Planning, in
their authoritative report Sydney’s Economic Geography:
Trends and Drivers (June 2004), describe an emerging
“system” of cities in Australia.
According to SGS, “Sydney plays the major role in the
national economy for advanced services dominated by advanced
services in finance, insurance, and business services”. SGS
sees “Melbourne’s major role as the manufacturing powerhouse
of the economy …” On the other hand, “Brisbane is the ‘other
services’ city dominated by the transport sector including
‘rail transport’, ‘air and space transport’, and ‘services
to transport’ with relatively high manufacturing
specialisation”.
Turning to the west, “Perth is the primary industry capital,
continuing to specialise highly in ‘oil and gas extraction’
and ‘services to the mining industry’ but also in a number
of other services such as ‘other transport’”. Finally,
“Adelaide is best described along a ‘manufacturing-other
services’ axis given high specialisms in manufacturing
sectors such as ‘machinery and equipment’ and ‘other
manufacturing’, and service sectors such as health”.
Sydney’s rise to global status owes much to the city’s
emergence as the nucleus of our new international service
economy. If the roles assigned by SGS are valid, however,
Australia’s recent dependence on China's voracious appetite
for our mineral resources has inevitable consequences.
Cities and regions whose economic specialisation relates to
mining and associated activities (such as transport) are
booming. We are now sending a massive $12 billion worth of
exports to China, mostly commodities. But mining accounts
for only 2 per cent of NSW income, compared to 8 per cent
for Queensland and a whopping 20 per cent for Western
Australia. Hence the diverging employment figures. China's
meteoric rise is distorting growth patterns across the
country, which transcends the quality of state government
performance.
Nonetheless, the Chinese economy is starting to stir in
sectors other than heavy industry. One significant
development on the horizon is the privatisation of China's
financial services sector, particularly banking. As China
specialist David Hale points out, “one of the greatest
challenges China must confront before the World Trade
Organisation treaty comes into force in 2007 is to prepare
the country’s banking system for privatisation and
competition with foreign banks”. This may be described as
China's next economic revolution. Hale is confident that “in
the next business cycle, China's banks will be privately
owned for the first time since 1949”.
In
fact, the Chinese government’s State Asset Supervision and
Administration Committee (SASAC) has begun to coordinate the
entry of private equity into state-owned enterprises (SOE’s)
across all industry sectors, not just finance.
This tectonic shift will offer immense opportunities to
Australia’s financial services industry, on the back of the
current export boom or otherwise. When this happens, it is
to be expected that NSW and Sydney, hub of the nation’s
“finance, insurance and business services” sector, will once
again come into their own.
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Get ready for a tourist
tsunami
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China as a population of 1.3 billion people. What would
happen if, in time, Sydney became a major tourist
destination for increasing numbers of them? This is a big
question that calls for a big answer.
The economic context of Chinese-sourced tourism is
increasingly well known. Having grown at the rate of 7 to 9
per cent over the last decade, last year China achieved the
milestone of $US1000 GDP per head, described by Business
Review Weekly as "a crucial turning point for developing
economies". China has experienced annual bank loan growth of
almost 16 per cent per year and deposit growth of 19 per
cent a year. Lending to consumers has increased 123 times to
more than 2 trillion yuan ($US 250 billion) over the last 7
years. Other statistics confirm that many Chinese consumers
are joining the affluent ranks of their western
counterparts. Businessweek magazine recently pointed
out that this year China's passenger car market is expected
to reach 3 million, third largest in the world. China
already has the world's largest base of cell-phone
subscribers (350 million), which is expected to approach 600
million by 2009. It is inevitable that Chinese consumers
will also come to spend a growing proportion of their rising
incomes on travel.
The World Tourism Organisation predicts that there will be
100 million outbound tourists from China annually by 2020.
Since 1997 the Chinese government has nominated 76 "approved
destinations" for group travel and Australia was one of the
first to be granted that status, back in 1998. Bilateral
travel arrangements between the Australian and Chinese
governments with respect to travel continue to improve. A
deal signed this past October will mean an extra 855 million
Chinese will have access to the approved destination status
(ADS) scheme (six more source regions added to Beijing,
Shanghai and Guandong). This comes at the end of an already
solid period of growth in Chinese visitors to Australia,
which doubled to 251,000 in the short period from 2000 to
(October) 2005. Tourism Australia estimates the total for
this year will be 315,000.
The growth rate is impressive. The number of visitors in
September this year was 16 per cent higher than for the same
month last year. By comparison, the year on year growth of
visitors from the United States was only around 4 per cent.
The Tourism Forecasting Committee predicts that by 2014 the
number of Chinese visitors will hit a staggering 1.2 million
per year. Since Sydney was the most visited destination in
Australia for Chinese tourists last year (72 per cent,
followed by 48 per sent for Melbourne and 32 per cent for
the Gold Coast), the implications for the city are
substantial.
Yet some in the tourism industry are sober about such
forecasts due to the perception that Chinese just aren't big
spenders. However, The Australian Financial Review
recently reported that while Chinese tourists spend
considerably less than other nationalities on accommodation
and restaurants, they are prodigious shoppers, spending up
to 80 per cent more than Japanese. Recently announced
reforms to the ADS will hopefully discourage the practice of
travel operators subsidising lower quality accommodation
with commissions paid by favoured retailers. In any event,
the rate of wealth accumulation in China is so dynamic that
past experience is a poor guide to future outcomes.
So the impact of Chinese tourism on Sydney is potentially
huge. What is being done to facilitate this? The State
Government's Towards 2020 - NSW Tourism Masterplan is
premised on a forecasted 3.7 per cent growth in foreign
sourced visitors to Sydney between 2001 and 2020, from 2.58
million to 5.11 million. There is every chance, however,
that this projection from 2002 represents a serious
underestimate. Just consider the more recent figures on
Chinese travel cited above. The government may not be
planning on the right scale in terms of public spending and
private investment to develop the accommodation, retail and
transport infrastructure needed to absorb the influx.
Arguably, the plan should be reviewed and coordinated with
the government's progress on its Sydney Metropolitan
Strategy.
Moreover, in some ways the Masterplan is a rather
unimaginative document. While it makes much of fashionable
concerns about environmental or ecological sustainability,
it says nothing about exploiting Sydney's ethnic diversity
to cultivate particular tourist markets. For instance, there
is enormous potential to leverage off Sydney's 180,000
strong Chinese speaking community (6 per cent of the city's
population) to create a network of services delivering a
quality experience to Chinese visitors. A significant
proportion of Sydney's Chinese are already engaged in the
hospitality industry, as a 2002 report by WorkCover NSW
pointed out: "for both male and female Chinese workers the
largest industry employer was accommodation, cafes and
restaurants with 13.8 per cent of men and 12.1 per cent of
women working in this industry". Why not integrate these
resources and other tourism related industries more
strategically?
Nevertheless, given Sydney's beauty, affluence and
stability, and China's relative proximity, the relationship
can't go far wrong.
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